General Ratko Mladic Thought Close to Capture

Serbian Security Forces on the Hunt

Nov 10, 2008 Phillip Barea

The arrest of former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic in July of 2008 left General Ratko Mladic, his military commander, as the most wanted fugitive in Europe.

On Monday November 10, 2008; Serbian security forces raided a factory in the Serbian town of Valjevo, where sources claimed information about the whereabouts of Gen. Mladic could be found. The raid, and the search that followed, produced little results. However, spokesmen for the Serbian government and security forces gave assurances that they are earnestly on the hunt for Gen. Mladic. A source in the prosecutor's office told Reuters news agency “It is a part of an overall action to locate Ratko Mladic and those who had been providing financial support for his hiding”.

Wartime Commander

Gen. Mladic was the military commander of the Bosnian Serb forces that were responsible for many of the atrocities and war crimes committed during the 1992-1995 Bosnian war; including a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Bosnian Muslim community. In 1995 Gen. Mladic was indicted by the UN sponsored International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The court charged that he authored the 1995 massacre of about 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men in Srebrenica, and lead the armed siege of the city of Sarajevo.

The indictment reads, in part: “The objective of the joint criminal enterprise within BiH [Bosnia and Herzegovina] was the elimination or permanent removal, by force or other means, of Bosnian Muslim, Bosnian Croat, or other non-Serb inhabitants from large areas of BiH [Bosnia and Herzegovina] through the commission of crimes which are punishable under Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Statute of the Tribunal. General Ratko Mladic participated in the joint criminal enterprise as a co-perpetrator and/or an aider and abettor”. The crimes resulting from the “criminal enterprise” fall within the international legal definitions for genocide, complicity in genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of the laws or customs of war.

Criminal Fugitive

During the time of the indictment Gen. Mladic fled Bosnia and went into hiding. He is said to have lived freely in Serbia until the arrest of Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic in 2001. Radovan Karadzic, the major political partner in the “criminal enterprise”, was arrested in July of 2008 and is now standing trial before the ICTY for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.

The 1992-1995 Bosnian war was the staging ground for the worst wartime atrocities in Europe since World War II. The capture of major war criminals from this conflict is one of the preconditions set by the European Union for Serbia to enter into accession talks in order to become a member. Jurists and analysts alike believe that the capture and successful prosecution of Gen. Mladic would be instrumental in bringing closure to the blood soaked history of the break-up of Yugoslavia.

Serbian Government

President Boris Tadic stated recently that: “In my opinion, full cooperation means to sincerely and in fact search for The Hague indictees and to, eventually, when they have been arrested, extradite them. Today, no one can complain that Serbia is not cooperating with The Hague Tribunal and that maximum efficiency in that sense is not being shown”. Many observers are not entirely confident in the ability of Serbia´s government to arrest all fugitives, but they are motivated by these recent events.

The copyright of the article General Ratko Mladic Thought Close to Capture in Law, Crime & Justice is owned by Phillip Barea. Permission to republish General Ratko Mladic Thought Close to Capture in print or online must be granted by the author in writing.
Mladic arrives for UN talks in Sarajevo 1993, Mikhail Evstafiev Mladic arrives for UN talks in Sarajevo 1993
   
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Jan 7, 2009 8:29 PM
Guest :
What It’s Like to Chill with the Most Ruthless Men in the World
Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic:
Confessions of a Female War Crimes Investigator


Retrospectively, it was all so simple, natural and matter of fact being on a boat restaurant in Belgrade, sitting with, laughing, drinking a two hundred bottle of wine and chatting about war and peace while Ratko Mladic held my hand. Mladic, a man considered the world’s most ruthless war criminal since Adolf Hitler, still at large and currently having a five million dollar bounty on his head for genocide by the international community. Yet there I was with my two best friends at the time, a former Serbian diplomat, his wife, and Ratko Mladic just chilling. There was no security, nothing you’d ordinarily expect in such circumstances. Referring to himself merely as, Sharko; this is the story of it all came about.

It all began as former United States President, Bill Clinton spearheaded NATO’s war against Serbia, Montenegro and Slobodan Milosevic (March 1999). Thirty-five years old, conducting my graduate study work at the New School for Social Research in New York City in political science, I planned graduating the spring (1999) with an area study emphasis in int’l law and human rights. I was naïve then, still believing strongly in democratic liberal concepts such as freedom of academic thought. Hence, I never anticipated that my political views would impede graduation and completing my thesis work on whether NATO member states committed gross violations of customarily accepted international criminal law in launching military aggression against Serbia and Montenegro owing to not acquiring United Nations Security Counsel approval prior.

Then as if hit with the identical smart bomb dropped on Milosevic’s presidential palace in Serbia the night of April 22nd 1999, political science chairperson then at the New School, Professor David Plotke, summoned me into his office before class that evening and dismissed me from the master’s program at the New School owing to what he considered my possessing unsavory political science opinions.


Only having to complete two more classes to graduate then, I always thought my future in political sciences as wide open with innumerous possibilities; unfortunately this proved not true. Plotke told me in no uncertain terms that I was not the type of person that the New School wanted walking around with a degree stating the New School’s prestigious name on it.

Ironically, the New School was an institution I attended only owing to its’ placing great pride and emphasis on allowing students complete academic freedom of thought without dictating what is and what is not supposedly politically correct to discuss. Yet surprisingly, dismissal from the program and the blow to my graduate work should not have been completely unexpected since the semester immediately prior, the school refused to allow me to conduct me graduate thesis work on the subject of whether NATO and Bill Clinton committed war crimes against the former Yugoslavia during the Kosovo war (1999) and internally suggested I write about infringement of Muslim human rights in France. I suppose with the likes both of Hillary Clinton and Tony Blair hanging about on the fourth floor of the school at the renown World Policy Institute in 1999, I should have expected the university would not take kindly to student‘s speaking out critically against Bill Clinton and the Kosovo war (1999) he went down in history for advocating. Then again, in 1999 I still believed in the school’s core ideals of academic freedom, especially since I was paying no less than one thousand United States dollars a credit to attend. My civil rights lawsuit against the college is another story in and of itself not deserving extended amounts of space here, except what I already mentioned.

Dismissal from graduate school left me in a complete state of scholarly anomie seeking empathy and solace from my few friends and confidants at the time, including many diplomats I studied with at the New School with for several years. The list included but was not limited to ambassadors from Iran, Oman and a newly appointed First Secretary of the Bosnian Mission to the United Nations in New York, Darko Trifunovic.




It is noteworthy to mention both ambassadors from Iran and Oman both confided in me of their own extreme dissatisfactions and the scholarly problems they were currently encountering at the New School for Social Research. On the last day of my attendance at the school, both aforementioned men explicitly complained to me the school was holding them back from graduating owing to their own so-called extremely unsavory political viewpoints. In particular the Iranian ambassador, Amir, was writing his master’s thesis on the Iranian contra affair and the man from Oman told me for years he has been held back from graduating because Greek Professor Addie Pollis strongly disdain his Islamic religious and cultural views insofar as human rights and multiple marriage partners by Muslim sultans in his country of origin. It was May (1999).

Riddled with uncertainty about my future scholarly status, I immediately applied for graduate study at Farleigh Dickinson University in New Jersey where I studied for two additional years before encountering similar problems with the graduate school faculty there. Ironically it was only FDU professors whom formerly studied themselves at the New School still in touch with the faculty there, who were later responsible for my having to leave the graduate program at FDU in early 2002.

Between the time of my dismissal from the New School and my dismissal from FDU in the fall (2002), I stayed in touch with many scholars with other politically active persons sharing similar anti-war views as myself regarding NATO’s 1999 Kosovo war including: Professor Barry Lituchy (NYC), Ramsey Clark’s people at the International Action Center, and a couple of new acquaintances I’ve chanced meet online in Serbian political activist forums. One of those people was, Darko Trifunovic.

Darko and I were e-mailing each other nearly daily by the early spring (1999) at which time he informed me that he was the newly appointed First Secretary of the Bosnian Mission to the United Nations in New York City and he wondered whether I would be pick him up at JFK airport when he arrives in a few weeks; I acceded. Darko arrived first, with his very beautiful wife, Bojana coming as expected about one month later after he was settled.
Darko greatly impressed me at the time. Being a former political advisor to the to the former female President of the Republic of Srpska in Bosnia, he had a degree in international law, had diplomatic immunity, was a writer, handsome , and fun to just hang-out with and work with daily. The three of us became extremely close friends and confidants. In fact, I became voted in as the executive director of the Law Projects Center Yugoslavia. A United Nations accredited NGO and an offshoot of the Yugoslav Coalition to Establish and international criminal court. Darko and some political people originally founded the organization in Belgrade Serbia prior his arrival in New York City in diplomatic capacity. I worked fervently legally registering the organization in New Jersey as a legally filed non-profit successfully. The Law Projects Center and its activities demanded Darko, his wife and I often stayed the night over each others’ apartments often; many times working days at a time with very little sleep together.

From the winter (1999) until the fall (2002), Darko, his wife and I worked daily together at the Bosnian Mission to the United Nations in New York City co-authoring two books: 1) The Bosnian Model of Al-Qaeda Terrorism and; 2) The Srebrenica Massacre. As a young student of war and peace in the former Yugoslavia, I was in scholarly heaven; not only accessing the United Nations to work with Darko each day, I was able to meet some of the most fascinating people in the world. I vividly remember Senator Bill Richardson at the time always giving media interviews about meeting with OPEC and “setting them straight about lowering oil prices in 2000.” Yet when I’d chit-chat with the Iranian ambassador in the city and ask him about it he would say to me something to the effect as,” We at OPEC are so angry about former colonialism by England and America, OPEN will continue attempting to bring both the United States and England to their financial knees on energy issues…And by the way Jill, Russia does not in any manner intend to halt weapon sales to Iran.”

The Bosnian mission to the United Nations in New York City in 2001 was an extremely interesting place. Reflecting the rotating ethnic presidency existing in Bosnia unto present, everyone at the Mission was of bipolar ethnic, theological and politically ideological viewpoints.

The Head Ambassador of the Mission post 9-11 was combating rumors of his soon becoming persona non grata in the United States, allegedly for giving Osama Bin Laden a visa to travel through Bosnia illegally when previously stationed in Italy in 1993. There were also rumors he confessed to the United States Department of State that he ran international arms trades in connection with Al-Qaeda. The number two man at the Bosnian mission, the First Ambassador was Serbian, Orthodox Christian and a doctor of medicine by university degree. The First Secretary of the Mission was my friend Darko, the Consulate department was headed by an ethnic Muslim lady from Bosnia, and there was an ethnic Croatian woman floating around with other various diplomats being of Roman Catholic Croatian descent.

My time at the Mission was primarily spent fixing Darko’s laptop computer which became daily infected with computer viruses he continually claimed emanated from the other employees at the Mission who were allegedly trying to sabotage him because of his ethnic Serbian background. I vividly recall the constant bickering between all the mission employees; always accusing each other of committing war crimes and giving each other computer viruses making it virtually impossible for any of them to get along. The Croatian diplomat usually stayed to herself with her office door shut while the others present usually just listened to Led Zeppelin rock music on their CD-ROM players in their offices. They told me repeatedly they had nothing else to do with their time at the United Nations beyond an occasional meeting, except for listening to music and playing computer games. Sad and ironic was the few things I noticed all the Bosnian mission employees agreeing upon was their undying love the rock band, Led Zeppelin.

A year had come and come and gone as I totally immersed myself into political inquiry as to just who was guilty of committing war crimes in the former Yugoslavia. My favorite subjects of inquiry included: NATO, Kosovo & Metohia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and persons of interest such as Mladic and Hacim Thaci (Albanian Leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army). It was not enough for my merely taking in nightly news reports from CNN and other mainstream media stations here America, to conduct an investigation for inquiry of social fact, I needed to go to Serbia and investigate for myself.
Only after seeing firsthand the goings on in the Balkans could I make a discriminate determination of guilty parties insofar as genocide in the Balkans. After my fateful month long trip to Serbia and Montenegro in the fall 2002, I later concluded all warring parties involved had blood on their hands (Croats, Serbs and Muslims); there were no innocents. But in 2001, neither my finances nor busy schedule allowed me such a trip. Moreover, not speaking fluent Serbian coupled with the ramped anti-American sentiment existing in Serbia at that time as listed then on the United States State Department travel warning website caused going to Serbia myself an unfeasible option. Hence, my life studies went on as usual.

Several seasons came and gone and it was now Spring 2001. Darko and his wife Bojana had some time off which was spent visiting friends and family in Serbia for two weeks. Because of this, Darko was unable to function in full diplomatic capacity. In the spring of 2001 there chance happened to be a plenipotentiary meeting at the United Nations in New York City; a closed meeting of a preparatory commission to establish an international criminal court. Topics of the meeting included but were not limited to defining interstate acts of aggression and court financing etc.. Darko asked me if I would sit in for him at the meeting, taking as many notes as possible owing to the Law Projects Center possessing United Nations accreditation as a NGO ( Non governmental organization) with full observer status at the United Nations; I acceded.

Darko faxed me all the necessary paperwork enabling my application for attendance at this crucial meeting; I filled out the needed forms and faxed to the United Nations for approval. It was an extremely exciting time for me. My close friend and colleague, Arnold Stark (History professor and Columbian University PhD) drove me to Manhattan on meeting day, and walked me through main entrance security for the meeting. Professor Stark, himself an old foreign service man from way back in the day had said then he never remembered me looking as professional as I did on the day of attendance. I wore a pin striped woman’s suit which I must admit looked professionally sharp.



Only post attendance did I truly understand the total lapse of security existing at the United Nations in New York City. I say this owing to the social fact that the Law Projects Center was indeed registered as an United nations accredited NGO it is true. However, a closed meeting of this sort meant attendance was strictly limited to head ambassadors of valid United Nations member states and no NGO’s personnel possessing observer status were allowed.

Unto this day, I have yet to understand how I gained entrance to such a privy closed meeting consisting of only United Nations ambassadors; but I did. Upon my walking down to the basement floor of the United Nations that day, I merely wore the visitors badge given to me at the front desk in no manner indicating that I was head of a mission, least of all the Bosnia mission to the United Nations in New York as required for entrance.

Totally unaware I didn’t possess the necessary credentials to enter the meeting, I walked confidently towards the entrance door and past the guard stationed outside it. The guard never bothering to examine the type of badge I wore around my neck simply said “good day Madame” as he urged me into the meeting; it was just about time to start.

I immediately sensed something wrong once through the door past the guard. First, I was uncertain where to sit. Everyone else had a sign in front of their seat stating their country of origin. The Israeli ambassador sat in front of the Israel sign, the Spanish lady sat in front of the seat indicating she represented, Spain etc.. I looked fervently around the room and saw no seats indicating, United Nations observers anywhere! The last thing I wanted to do was to embarrass myself by taking the seat of an ambassador; so I noticed a couple of men who would seem from some African state grabbing some meeting paperwork nearby so I inquired of them about being a first timer and asked them where to sit and what I should do. With heavy African accents, one of them told me, “just grab a bunch of these papers, sit there and look like you are busy,” so I did. In fact, I grabbed as many extra copies as I could without looking conspicuous when I noticed something else.


The meeting papers indicated that they were for the eyes of state mission heads only (chief ambassadors of countries) and allowing any other person or United Nations employee to view the papers was a punishable offense. Uncertain what to do, and with the meeting beginning, I merely sat there stunned. My seat and the one the African gentleman next to me were obviously extras because they had neither indication regarding country origin in front of them on the table; I felt safe.

Totally immersed in the topics at hand, I think that no one took more notes that day than me. I was especially interested in the interstate bickering about financing the international criminal court should and when it came about. Spain was particularly forceful in vocalizing its opinion that the countries giving the most monetary contributions to the court itself ought to have more power over its innocent and guilty verdicts and just what judges were appointed. My suspicions’ equally shared by scholars such as Noam Chomsky and former attorney general, Ramsey Clark were now fully justified. The court itself was a great travesty of justice and I was actually witnessing a quarrels between countries insofar as controlling the courts judges and verdicts based on financial contributions rather than on law and true international justice. The most shocking point of the meeting for me was when the Israeli ambassador admitted opening to the other attendees that Israel was indifferent to war crimes, crimes against humanity and would in no manner support any international structure limiting its’ ability for practicing war and peace against any other state and/or party it considered a threat to its national interest. The ambassador representing the United States that day strongly and equally explicitly backed the Israeli position making clear American attendance there was more for information gathering purposes and show than concern for international law, world peace and social justice. When the meeting ended I slipped quickly out the front entrance of the United Nations; notes and papers in hand. I would read them in detail later that evening.





The following year was mundane. Filled with activities like shuttling back and forth to FDU for graduate school, fund raising and co-authoring two book with Darko for the Law Projects Center.; the fateful day of 9/11 and the attacks of Al-Qaeda on the World Trade Center Towers in New York City changed my venue forever. Post 9/11 Darko became a man on a personal mission seemingly unrelated to the Bosnian mission itself. He told me it was the utmost importance to publicize the alleged fact that the head ambassador of the Bosnian mission was in his estimation involved with Al-Qaeda. Darko had a seemingly ton of secret documentary evidence emanating from the ministry of internal affairs in Belgrade and Bosnia seeming true bolstering his allegations in my eyes then.

Asking me to fervently work on editing a book on which topic was meant as exposing the head ambassador of the Bosnian mission at that time; I acceded. The publication was later published by the Repubika Srpska information agency in Bosnia by the Republika Srpska. The Serbian government in the Republika Srpska in Bosnia then was seriously pressing Darko for a fast publication so we stayed up many nights over his apartment in Forest Hills, New York working to do so. The book was entitled, ”The Bosnia Model of AL-Qaeda Terrorism. It can probably still be found and read online. Last time I checked it was posted on the website: http://www.analyst-network.com/profile.php?user_id=240.

Darko always stated to me I possessed full rights to this and other publications we worked on together. Although I edited and co-authoring the Al-Qaeda work, but a few year back I noticed Darko changed my name on the inner front cover page as editor replacing it with the name of a Serbian editor. When questioned about it Darko told me he kept my name from being published because of the death threats and danger to my life that he himself encountered because of its publication. I do vividly remember Darko receiving a great many death threats and threats towards his wife at the time, Bojana so it is possible he was telling me the truth.




Even prior completing our work on the Al-Qaeda book together Darko was obsessed with manifesting the Bosnian Chief ambassador at the time as a terrorist. At the time I had no reason to doubt Darko’s word and assisted him in rabidly writing an open letter to all the United Nations member state mission exposing him as such. I surmise this is when Darko’s job at the United Nations as First Secretary of the Bosnian mission became jeopardized.

Presently I assess that his employment there genuinely became compromised owing not only to the inter-ethnic conflicts between him and the head ambassador who was a proud Muslim man, but also to the fact that he forged birth certificates to acquire his position in the first place which later came out as a social fact from the interior ministry in Bosnia. It was an emotional shock when Darko informed me a by the summer 2001 that he lost his job and he and Bojana had to immediately return to Belgrade to work it out in a court matter.

MORE OF MY BOOK FORTHCOMING


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